The Osu Caste System in Igboland: Discrimination Based on Descent
By
Victor E. Dike
Vdike@cwnet.com
[
A Paper Presented to the
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) Sixty-first
session 8-9 August 2002
Therefore, this paper
discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system,
practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the
discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of
the international community.
Thematic Discussion on
Discrimination on the Ground of Descent
Introduction
The Igbos are
found mostly in the Southeastern and
However, a relic
of the indigenous religious practice of the Igbos is the dehumanizing Osu caste
system, which has divided and alienated the Igbos.
Therefore, this
paper discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system,
practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the
discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of
the international community. This is because whenever issues of discriminatory
practices around the world are tabled for discussion in the international
community the repugnant and discriminatory Osu caste system is never mentioned.
Definitions of Terms
It is essential to
provide some definitions and clarifications of terms associated with the Osu
caste system. It would be very difficult, if not impossible to explain and
analyze the terms related to the issue to individuals who are not familiar with
the system without an explanation of the many labels describing the Osu. Each
ethnic nationality in
The Igbos, which
are the center of this discourse, discriminate against each other by reason of
the Osu caste status. The Igbo people refer to the Osu in varied names; it is
referred to as Adu-Ebo in Nzam in
In this paper the
author shall use the term, Osu, to describe all the lower caste groups in
Igboland. It should noted that in their hierarchy of social status, the
The Osu, by
definition, is a people sacrificed to the gods in Igbo community. And they
assist the high priest of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the
gods in their shrine. It is the belief of many Igbo traditionalists that the
deities, which were (and are still) perceived in some quarters as being very
powerful, would wreck havoc in the society, if they are not appeased. In some
special circumstances, those who hold the traditional beliefs of the Igbos
could transform a Diala who committed certain atrocities against the land, into
an Osu. This process involved intricate rituals (offering of libations and
sacrificing animals to the earth goddess). Some of the ancestors of the
present-day Osu people inherited their dehumanizing social status this way.
That method is now a thing of the old; Western influence has affected this
practice. Presently, one could acquire the Osu status through inheritance and
marriage.
Because of many
oral interpretations of the construct, the Osu has various definitions. It has
been defined as a ‘cult slave,’ a living sacrifice,’ an ‘untouchable,’
‘outcast,’ ‘owner’s cult,’ ‘a slave of the deity,’ and a ‘sacred and holy
being.’ 3 These names mean the same: it is an abomination in the Igbo society
for the Diala to marry Osu.
For this author,
the Osu caste system is a societal institution borne out of a primitive
traditional belief system colored by superstition, and propagated by ignorance.
It is absurd to categorize a human as a sub-human being. Although this author
is not a member of the group, he condemns the practice of the Osu caste system,
because it is a human rights aberration.
The Osu caste
system, which is a form of discrimination, has caused inter-communal discords
and wars between the Osu and the Diala in Igboland. And many lives and properties
have been destroyed as a result.
According to the
United Nations definition, ‘discrimination includes any conduct based on a
distinction made on grounds of natural or social categories, which have no
relation either to individual capacities or merits, or to the concrete behavior
of the individual person.’ The discriminatory Osu practices involves inequality
in freedom of movement and choice of residence, inequality in the right of
peaceful association, inequality in the enjoyment of the right to marry and
establish a family, (and) inequality in access to public office… slavery’
(Allport 1979, p. 52). That is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system
in Igboland. If one may ask, could a right exist if it is not regularly
enforced? To put it differently, can a right exist without specific legislation
that provides for its protection and remedies if violated? Oddly enough, the
victims of the Osu system have not any legal recourse in Igboland. And
strangely, some people believe that the humiliating Osu caste system is a part
of the Igbo culture nobody should temper with. Fortunately, many Igbos have a
contrary opinion.
The Osu Caste System and the
Indigenous Religious Practices of the Igbo nation
All human beings
are created equal, but human experiences are heterogeneous. Some people have
had it rough all their life on earth, while others do not have a lot to
complain about. Naturally, life has the same meaning for everyone, but the Osu
caste system in Igboland seems to have changed the meaning of life for a group
of people branded Osu. No historical
question gives the Igbos more concern than that of, “How did the Osu caste
system come to be in Igboland?” This section of the paper attempts to deal with
the question.
There are many
versions of oral information on the origins of the Osu caste system. In the
absence of documented information, oral sources are central to the study of
history in Igboland, and other parts of
The indigenous
religion is interwoven with Igbo cultural practices, and it is difficult for
foreigners to fully understand and appreciate the good part of the Igbo
culture. The indigenous Igbo regards himself as a meeting point of Mother Earth
or “Ala”, which contains all physical creation and the ancestral spirit that is
functionally linked to his ancestors. The Supreme Spirit “Chi-Ukwu” or “Chukwu”
is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything.
The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities
that are ultimately linked to one’s “chi” or spiritual force. Deities are
derived out of objects of creation such as ‘geophysical landmarks’ like seas,
lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as
warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders. Those geophysical landmarks are
regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And
the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And
the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them
and serve their interest.4
An individual’s
fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between
one’s “chi”, the deities and the Creator or “Chineke”. Humans interact directly
with deities, which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or
Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one’s domain is an
assurance that one is likely to obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time,
minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual’s obligation to
observe the customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities;
and goodwill and protection from the deities depends on one’s cordial
relationship with them.
Every indigenous
Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family’s ancestral spirits resided
and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town deities,
which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety. This category
of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The deities were (and
some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who
were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come
from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.
Historical
accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful
deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major
shrines. Miniature ‘monasteries’ were established in the vicinity of major
shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And
because some of these deities are believed to be very powerful, they should be
attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their shrines.
However, the “indigenous monks,” upon mastering their spiritual functions (of
learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo
pejorative name of Osu,
The early Osu
ranks were “non-celibate” and thus had families; and the offspring inherited
their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their
interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the
powerful deities under which they thrived and performed their religious
functions. For instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was
forbidden between Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for
the Diala to spill the blood of Osus (even in non-hostile situations). Some communities
go as far as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or
prepared by an Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the
Osus and the Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place. Any
person who breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu
automatically becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically
relocate to cohabit with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an
Osu by the rest of the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and
impedes normal interpersonal relationship between the Diala and Osu in
Igboland.
Before the arrival
of the ‘white man’ and Christianity, the discriminatory relationship that
existed between Osus and Diala was perceived as normal. Things are gradually
changing; the world is beginning to perceive the Osu caste system as a form of
discrimination. However, the Osus fulfilled their lives in the communities by
serving the deities. In return, they obtained a reasonable livelihood from
proceeds of offerings that pour steadily into the premises of the deities that
they served. The coming of the Europeans led to a process of social change and
some of the customs of the indigenous Igbo society were beginning to be seen as
going contrary to the beliefs of the Europeans. In the past, the tradition of
some of the Igbo states, such as Ossomari and Arondizuogu, engaged in communal
wars with the intention of procuring captives and slaves. Communities tended to
punish their criminals by selling them into slavery. In some cases, parents
were forced by “poverty and hunger” to sell their never-do-well children.
During this stone-aged era human sacrifice was common, and slaves were often
used for this purpose. According to Isiechi (1976), the dead rulers of Igbo
Ukwu were buried together with several slaves as sacrifices.
However, the
trans-Atlantic slave trade contributed to the frequency of inter-clan wars,
which often resulted in neighboring communities raiding each other for slaves
and other booties. The Osus were forbidden to be combatants in warfare for fear
of spilling their blood, which could unleash the wrath of the deities. Some
defenseless small communities were often compelled to seek refuge in the
premises of nearby shrines in order to avert impending doom when under sudden
attack from superior invading forces. Once the deity’s high priest acknowledged
and granted them protection from attack and harm to the refugees, they were
automatically converted to the Osu status.
In some circumstances,
prisoners captured during inter-communal wars were sold off, and their new
owners could elect to enlist some of them to Osu status by giving them away as
gestures of and placation to a local deity. Other captives could be sold as
slaves or become objects of ritual murder, which occurred mostly upon the death
of powerful chieftains. However, some war captives preferred the Osu status
rather than being sold far away to distant lands as slaves. Thus, the
population of the Osu increased. Evidence suggests that the Osu were originally
regarded with “respect and honour” apparently because they belonged to the
gods. This show of respect for those who attended to the shrines,
unfortunately, transformed into social ostracism. 6 And the Osus were not many in
number. But in the nineteenth century, “their numbers expanded and their status
deteriorated dramatically, so that they became outcasts, feared and despised”
or even abhorred (Basden 1966).
With the abolition
of slave trade in the nineteenth century (1807) the loss of external outlets
for the sale of slaves led to an unprecedented escalation of the practice of
using human beings for sacrifice. It was reported that forty slaves were killed
and used for sacrifice at the death of Obi Ossai of Aboh, in 1845 (Isiechi
1976). As mentioned earlier, there is a strong Igbo belief that the spirits of
one’s ancestors keep a constant vigil over him/her. And traditional religion
was highly practiced by the traditionalists; thus, the spirits of the
all-important ancestors were worshipped through the gods or deities.
In addition, the
cessation of trans-Atlantic slave trade (and the inculcation of new values from
the Europeans), the respect accorded to the Osu (because of their role as
servants of powerful deities) began to wane. As noted earlier, the European
missionaries began to perceive the ways of the indigenous religious practices
as impediments to their mission of spreading the Christian faith. Thus, assault
on the Igbo indigenous religious practices was fierce and multi-faceted.
Children were effectively indoctrinated in the emerging school system to reject
their parents’ traditional way of life, which was characterized as both
primitive and barbaric. The children in schools were used effectively as
conduits for transforming the rest of the family.
In most cases,
parents opted to join their children by converting to Christianity in order to
avert major internal family crises. Where such was not the case, the aging
parents were simply allowed to die away with their indigenous religious and
cultural belief system. The converts to the new faith were used by early
missionaries as effective tools for the destruction of cultural artifacts and
religious objects like shrines, traditional sculptures and a host of other valuable
indigenous artwork. Test of the new converts’ faith in Christianity was usually
their ability to destroy any relics of the past within their reach. But the
whole of Igbo culture did not lie only in its artistic, cultural and religious
artifacts. In spite of all the destruction, the average Igbo person retained
the core values of his cultural heritage. Many people became churchgoers on
Sundays, but remained loyal to the indigenous culture.
The interest of
the British in
One of the factors
that enabled early Christian missionaries to establish a foothold quickly in
the Igbo heartland was their promise to new converts (mostly the Osus) that the
new order would guarantee equality of rights and opportunities to everyone. But
disillusionment (as earlier noted), soon dampened their enthusiasm when it
gradually became clear that even the “whiteman’s church” was not powerful
enough to stop the discriminatory treatment meted out to them. The Osus, at the
time in review, were known to have pursued Western education in large numbers.
In addition, many joined the new Christian mission as priests and teachers. In
spite of these accomplishments, the Osus’ right to equal treatment remained
unfulfilled, because neither the Christian missionaries nor the sketchy
colonial administration in place had what it took to change the attitude of the
people at the grassroots level where the Osu practice predominates. Presently,
the Osus are like refugees who have been abandoned to wonder in the wilderness
after being dislodged from their comfortable places as the servers of the
deities. The respect and dignity that the Osus experienced because of their role
within the indigenous religion has now been replaced with a de facto social
ostracism from which escape is extremely difficult.
Another story has
a different version of how the Osu system came to be in Igboland community. The
story had it that an old man told some children who were gathered with him
around a camp fire during a cold harmattan morning how a group of traditional
elders ganged up to give up one of their own to the gods of the land. (The
harmattan is a cold and dry wind blowing down from the north). The storyteller
reported that his father told him that there was an agreement among the persons
that were gathered for a ritual that one person from the village would be
sacrificed to the gods, which would be made to appease the gods of the land that
were terrorizing the community. Everyone at the meeting swore in the name of
the gods and on the ofor (the ofor is the bible for those who hold traditional
Igbo beliefs) that nobody would disagree with their decisions. The powerful
gods would be made happy so that they would desist from wrecking havoc on the
community. The man who was later chosen to attend to the shrines did not know
that he was the person that would be selected to perform the task of serving
the gods.
When the man who
was a party to the decision was unanimously selected (to be offered in
sacrifice to the deities), he jumped up from his chair and cried, as he knew
what his social status would be in the community. After a series of intense
rituals were undertaken, the man was transformed and labeled an Osu of the
land. And his descendants have since inherited his status. The community had to
build a hut for him at a market square of the town, as the gods are usually
located near a market place in many communities in Igboland.7 Thus, the Osu
system finds rationalization in Igbo religious beliefs and dogma.
Each time these
stories are recounted, it would be easy for any rational person to figure out
that they are colored by misconception. It is the opinion of this author that
the Osu caste system, which has caused a lot misery to many people in Igboland,
originated out of ancient beliefs. All these stories about the Osu caste system
precede the Chinua Achebe’s popular Things Fall Apart, in which the plights of
the Osu or outcast in Igboland were vividly, described (1959, pp.154-156).
No matter how the
Osu caste system originated in Igboland, and no matter its apparent past
benefits, it is now the feeling of many peace-loving individuals that the
ancient institution, which is an internal apartheid in Igboland, has outlived
its usefulness. To redeem the Osus and Igbo society (which practice the
obnoxious Osu caste system) one should revisit the past so as to explain the
rationale behind the once vibrant Osu caste culture. The Osu caste system
remains a sad reminder of the historical past of the Igbo nation. The only way
to put those sad memories to rest is to find the ways and means to terminate
the discriminatory practices of the Osu caste system as it exists today. And
with the co-operation of everyone in the Igbo nation, this task can be
accomplished.
Internal Apartheid
Many other forms
of discriminatory practices abound in Nigeria, but the Osu caste system is the
main focus here. In the Southeast of Nigeria, the people of Umuode in Nkanu
East local government area of Enugu State, who are said to be the descendants
of the Osu, are being treated as second class citizens. In their Oruku
community made up of Umuode, Umuchiani and Onuogowu, the people of Umuode have
limited social interaction with the rest of the community because of their
ascribed Osu status. And strangely, the other two villages cannot intermarry
with the people of Umuode. No matter their social status in the community the
local churches could hardly appoint the people of Umuode to positions of
responsibility. Thus, the people are made outcasts. This class ostracism is
operated in such a manner that any person from the other side of the community
who talks to, or greets any person from Umuode, pays a fine sometimes as high as
one Thousand Naira (N1,000). Because of
this situation the people of Umuode operate their own local market different
from the Eke-oruku market, which is owned exclusively by Umuchiani and
Onuogowo. The people of Umuode have
waged wars against this social stigma; about five major conflicts have been
recorded in this area since 1995, and many lives have been lost (Agbaegbu, 12
Jan. 2000).
The people of
Umuaka community in Imo State, Nigeria, categorize one of their ten villages
Osu. Other minor lower caste groups found in many kindred are given the
pejorative Igbo expression of ‘ndi ejiri goro ihe,’ meaning those who are
sacrificial lamb to the gods. They are slaves to the gods of the community and
kindred. As is the case in Umuode in Oruku community, the discrimination of the
Diala against the Osu in Umuaka affects marriage and relationships of love with
the Osu and the rest of the community. The Diala is traditionally and socially
abhorred and forbidden to marry an Osu; intermarriage with Osu is an abomination.
However, some
communities, for example, Nnobi in Idemili local government area of Anambra
State, have been able to fully integrate their Osu population into the
mainstream of the community. 8 All other Igbo communities should emulate the
good work of the Nnobi community and work harder to bridge the Osu divide in
their areas.
In Umuaka the Osus
who are interested in politics in the community are not getting the necessary
support from the rest of the community. This has greatly hindered their social
upward mobility in the community. In the past the avid supporters of the Osu
caste system would even refrain from eating (dinning) with them or drink from
the same water-well (pond) with the Osu.
As noted earlier,
this type of behavior could be likened to the issues during the civil right
struggles in the United States when the ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’ were prevented
from drinking from the same public fountain (Smelser 1981). In the past when
the Osu discriminatory behavior was taken to the extreme, those who believed in
the system would even refrain from touching the Osu for fear of being
transformed into an Osu. In addition, in the past the ardent supporters of the
Osu caste system would not buy whatever the Osu merchants had for sell in the
local market. During that period in review, there was an apparent superstition
that the ghost of the ancestors would haunt any person who was friendly with
the Osu. There has been some slight improvement in social interaction between
the Diala and the Osu, although inter-marriage between the two is still seen as
a social taboo by the Diala.
In the late 1980s,
the Osu people in Umuaka revolted, as they could not take the humiliation from
the Diala any more. They physically assaulted a couple of women from the Diala
section of the community, with the intention of transforming the women to Osu
so that the Diala would reject them. The
action would also give them the taste of the pains and humiliation of the Osu
status. The brouhaha that followed this action was short-lived, as the Diala in
the community responded with counter forces. In Imo State alone over 60 of such
incidents have been reported since 1979 (see Ezeala & the Association for
Social Justice (not dated); and Agbaegbu, 12 January 2000).
The Osu social problem
cannot be solved by temporarily subduing those groups that are suffering from
injustices with force. This author is not advocating violence, but the riots,
which occurred in Umuaka in the late 1980s, and those of Umuode in the 1990s,
are cautionary tales of what might happen to some of the Igbo communities if
the plights of the Osu are not resolved. The insensitivity of the generality of
the Igbos to the plights of the Osu has the potential to cause social violence
in Igboland. And according to psychology, frustration can breed aggression.
This author would like to add that hatred and discrimination breed frustration,
which in turn breeds hatred and aggression. As Philosopher Spinoza rightly and
nicely noted, “He who conceives himself hated by another, and believes that he
had given him no cause for hatred, will hate that other in return” (Allport
1979, p.155).
The Igbos should
begin to treat the “Osus” as the human beings that they really are. Any person
who thinks they deserve the ugly social conditions they found themselves in
should walk in their shoes (or switch lives with them) to feel their pains.
While the world may not know everything about why and how conflicts occur in
societies, several studies show that inequality, abuse of human and civil
rights, absence of the rule of law, discrimination and absence of freedom are
among the major causes of conflicts (and even civil wars). The United Nations’
documents on social unrest in African societies point to these factors.9
Although some of
the behaviors against the Osu are caused by the traditional belief system of
the Igbos, this author would say that many of the supporters of the Osu caste
practice are deficient in the skills needed to analyze the socio-economic and
political development of the Igbo nations. If not, they should have known that
such behaviors toward the so-called Osu affects the image of, and are
detrimental to their welfare and the progress of the hardworking and peace
loving Igbo society at large. It is criminal to violate people’s civil and
human rights under the excuse of preserving an ancient culture. As it were, “An
injustice unresolved…burns a hole in the heart” (Cose, April 21, 1997, p.45).
The Osu caste system and
stereotype
It has been noted
in the preceding sections that the Diala interact less with or avoids the Osu
completely. In some communities in Igboland an Osu is regarded as a worthless
human being. As Things Fall Apart notes in a conversation, which ensued over
the question of admitting outcasts to a local little church in the village of
Mbanta, between Mr. Kiaga, a missionary teacher, and one of the converts, the
Osu is:
a person dedicated
to a god, a thing set apart – a taboo forever, and his children after him. He
could neither marry nor be married by the freeborn. He was in fact an outcast,
living in a special area of the village, close to the Great Shrine. Wherever he
went he carried with him the mark of his forbidden caste – long, tangled dirty
hair. A razor was a taboo to him. An Osu could not attend an assembly of the
freeborn, and they, in turn, could not shelter under his roof. He could not
take any of the four titles of the clan, and when he died he was buried by his
kind in the Evil Forest. How could such a man be a follower of Christ? (Achebe 1959,
p.156)
The issue of
stereotyping is not new. With almost a uniform agreement among white Americans,
African-Americans are labeled (in error), as lower class in mentality and
manners. In a study conducted in the 1930s, Kimball Young listed many stereotypes
for the “Negroes” in the United States. The study noted that African-Americans
have “emotional instability, [are] lazy and boisterous” (Young, 1934,
pp.158-163).
Why does the Diala
avoid (or interacts less) with the Osu groups? When this author was younger, he
was told many ‘funny and strange’ stories about the Osu group in his community
similar to those documented in Things Fall Apart. There is a belief that people
interact less or avoid the Osu because they feared that the spirit of the
deities (which the Osu people serve), would haunt those who socialize with the
Osu. The people in the villages believe that the deities that the Osu attends
to are powerful and dangerous.
Others would say
that socializing with the Osu would contaminate, pollute and transform the
Diala into an Osu. There is also the belief that since the Osu has been
dedicated to the gods it was a taboo to socialize with the group. In addition,
oral history would say that the Osu is isolated because they “steal” and are
“dishonest.” Yet, other stories would say that the Diala abhor those branded
Osu because they are “dirty” or that they have “repulsive body odor” and are
“lazy.” However, there is no empirical evidence to support these inhumane
assertions (Dike 2002).
While some of the
leaders of thoughts, the elite and politicians in Igboland pretend not to know
about this social injustice, many reasonable and enlightened individuals in
Igboland believe that the Osu caste system is a pure “politics of unreason” at
its highest level (Lipset & Raab 1970). This discriminatory behavior is an
added burden on the Osu who are already burdened with unemployment, poverty,
crime and other injustices prevalent in Nigeria. And through socialization (and
bias inherited from their parents) some of the Igbo youth have internalized the
discriminatory behavior toward the Osu.
Culture and Social Progress
The Osu system is
“a cultural albatross for the Igbo society,” as it is an impediment to human
relationships and social progress (Nwosu, June 19, 1999). The Osu caste system,
which the forefathers of the Igbos invented, has become the culture in parts of
Igboland. Sociologists have noted that the culture of a people influences their
lives. And Igbo culture (as one can see), has influenced the practice and
propagation of the Osu caste system.
Without a doubt,
“Culture Matters” (Harrison and Huntington (eds.) 2000). The culture of a
people, therefore, is an important variable in their social progress. Thus, a
society’s heritage, values, and customs, in large part, determine its social
progress. If discrimination and segregation are inimical to social progress,
then no society should preserve that aspect of its culture, which hinders its
progress.
If one may ask,
are the shrines that were inherited from the ancestors to blame for the
continued practice of the Osu caste system in Igboland? Is the caste system
compatible with the principles of democracy? Are the civil and human rights of
the Osu groups not being violated? Is the Osu caste system in agreement with
the Igbos’ belief that one is his or her brother’s keeper? One cannot ask
enough questions here!
Obviously the Osu
culture violates the civil and human rights of the people subjected to it. It
is also against the principles of democracy, as it encourages segregation and
inhibits the free association of the Osu with the Diala in Igbo society. At a
period when the world is evolving into a global community, there is no room for
this type of hate and bigotry. Preaching democracy by word of mouth is not
enough. It has to be followed with actions. The discriminatory treatment of
this group by the Diala runs contrary to how Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart
portrays the Igbo culture. Okonkwu visited Nwakibie “to pay his respects and
also to ask for a favor” with two pots of palm wine. During the presentation of
colanut and offering of libation Nwakibie intoned:
We shall all live.
We pray for life, children, a good harvest and happiness. You will have what is
good for you and I will have what is good for me. Let the kite perch and the
eagle perch too. If one says no to the other, let his wing break. (Achebe,
1959, p.19)
Thus, any person
(or group) who discriminates against any human being (or group), does not wish
that person (or group) well. In fact, if it were within the power of the ardent
believers of the Osu system to decide who would go to heaven. The untouchables
(as the Osu is often referred to), because of their social status, would not be
allowed any place in heaven. Fortunately, these heartless and overly
mean-spirited individuals do not have the power to play God. The Osu system and
other forms of discrimination should not occur in any modern society. Nigeria
should begin to educate her population on the importance of respecting the
human and civil rights of their fellow human beings. Although the Osu caste
system is not a Pan-Igbo issue, the effects on the people subjected to it is as
discouraging and humiliating as the effects of the racial discrimination in the
United States, or apartheid policy in South Africa before 1994.
Global Perspective on
Discrimination
Hatred and
distrust between and among groups is not new. The Blacks in the United States
suffer terrible discrimination in the hands of whites. As an example, the banks
in the United States are much more reluctant to give loans/grants to blacks
than to whites (The Economist, July 10th 1993). In Apartheid South Africa,
blacks (before the system was dismantled in 1994), suffered similar
discrimination in the hands of the whites.
Like the racial
discrimination in the United States, the Osu caste system promotes an ideology
of the supremacy of the Diala over the Osu. Because racial discrimination
occurs mostly between people of different skin colors (e.g. black and white) or
between people from different nationalities, it is very difficult to understand
the Osu phenomenon in the social history of the Igbos (a people of the same
ethnicity).
The modern world
views the ownership of human beings by other human beings, and the use of human
beings for sacrifice as evil. Sadly, this was one of the characteristics of the
Osu caste system in Igboland. As mentioned earlier, several Osu slaves were
buried as a ritual to bury and mourn for deceased rulers, including the ruler
of Igbo Ukwu. And this practice expanded during the years of slave trade
(Isichei 1976). Although the Osu people are not physically being slaughtered
presently for rituals, but the Osu social stigma is a tremendous barrier to
human relations and their upward mobility in some Igbo communities (see Chapter
2).
The sad fact
remains that the domination and control of human beings by others has been a
common practice in societies around the world; and this has been powered by
prejudice and discrimination. For instance, slavery was an integral part of the
ancient Greek society, and Plato was known to have opposed the enslavement of
Greeks. Slaves were used for many tedious domestic chores in ancient Rome
before the 2nd Century BC. But most of the slaves were foreigners and prisoners-of-war
(Adkins and Adkins, 1994).
Unlike the Osu
caste system in Igboland the slaves did not remain slaves from cradle to grave.
And this practice of human enslavement did not go unchallenged. Three great
slave revolts took place during this period. Two revolts occurred in Sicily in
135-132 BC and104-101 BC; and the other took place in Italy around 73-71 BC
(Adkins & Adkins, 1994; Madden, 1996). However, those slaves became free by
being given manumission (freedom) by their owner, or by buying their own
freedom. And any children subsequently born to them became free citizens
(Adkins & Adkins 1994; Madden, 1996).
As noted earlier,
in the Apartheid South Africa racial segregation was the law of the land before
1994. In South Africa, the English are against the Afrikaner. Both are against
the Jews; and all the three are opposed to the Indians. But all the four
conspire against the native black South Africans (Allport 1979). But the
apartheid system was destroyed with the combination of internal forces and pressure
from multinational corporations and foreign countries. Some of the readers may
recall that the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black president of the
country apparently brought a closure to the inhuman system.
The Igbos of
Nigeria were among the many nations that opposed the repressive system of
Apartheid in South Africa. Although the Osu caste system in Igboland may not be
perceived as a national issue, Nigeria and in fact, the Igbos who were against
Apartheid in South Africa should have destroyed its own internal apartheid
before asking South Africa to do the same. Unfortunately, at the turn of the
21st Century, the Osu caste system is still in existence in many Igbo
communities. This system is as repressive, if not more repressive, than the
apartheid system in South Africa. As it was in the apartheid system an Osu, in
most part, is segregated from the rest of the community; they are more or less
like a socially imprisoned people in the Igbo community.
Racial
discrimination was prominent in the Southern part of the United States before
the American Civil War (1860-1865). The so-called Jim Crow laws enforced
segregation with separate public drinking fountains for blacks and whites.
Other minorities, Hispanics, Vietnamese, Native Americans were (and are still)
being treated with disregard in the United States (Smelser 1981). Federal and
State laws by the end of the sixties prohibit discrimination in all places. And
the laws weigh heavily on any person or organization found guilty of this offense.
Despite all the laws against discrimination in the society, covert racial
discrimination is still alive and well in the United States. There remain
discriminations in employment, housing, and in marriage.
This author has
been subjected to discrimination in many instances in the United States. In one
painful and frustrating instance, he was intentionally negatively appraised,
and disparately treated on the job. Why? This is simply because he is a black
person. Having experienced discrimination in the United States, this author
could not avoid speaking against discrimination in Igboland. The ability of a
black person in the United States to perform a simple task is always in
question by the racist white man, even after he or she has proved himself capable
of performing the task beyond all reasonable doubt. As one writer rightly
noted, in the year 2000, race in America still has a powerful impact on life
experiences. Race affects mortality rates of black babies, the quality of
education of black children where blacks live, how they interact with the
police, the kind of employment opportunities or health care available to them –
in short, life experiences from cradle to grave (Shaw, Feb. 25, 2000, p. A72).
Unlike the Osu
caste practice in Igboland, racial discrimination in the United States is now
chiefly practiced in covert and indirect ways. Because of all the laws in the
society discrimination is no longer primarily a face-to-face encounter where
embarrassment would result. And with the laws the victims of racial
discrimination have some legal recourse. This is not to idealize the United
States on race matters. White Americans are still very much better off; and
they dominate political power. In other words, race still affects all facets of
a black person’s life in the United States.
The common ill
treatment of blacks, both the poor as well as the affluent could be seen in
attitudes. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Skin Heads and White Supremacy, are
among the reminders of the hostility against minorities, and the dangers of
discrimination and prejudice in the United States (Smelser 1981; Bettelheim
& Janowitz, 1964).
Adolf Hitler’s
hatred for the Jews and the atrocities his followers committed at the Auschwitz
concentration camp, are still fresh in memory. The heinous act is very
difficult to understand. In this camp millions of men, women, and children,
mostly of Jewish descent, were murdered. Between the summer of 1941 and the end
of World War II in 1945, about two and a half million people perished at Auschwitz
in gas chambers and ovens. This was a deliberate genocide, which represented
what Adolf Hitler had called the final solution of the Jewish problem. Nothing
other than prejudice and discrimination against the Jews led to the horrible
and unpardonable homicide (Allport 1979; Smelser, 1981; Shirer 1960).
The ending of the
East-West Cold War and the peace treaty signed between Israel, Egypt, and
Jordan has not helped the matter in the Middle East. And despite the on-going
peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, the Arab/ Muslim, and
Israeli conflict continues to simmer in the Middle East. In other words,
violence between Muslims and Christians is still on the rise.
The caste
discrimination in India is another global problem. The original caste system in
India, Varna, came about when the Aryan-speaking nomadic groups migrated from
the north to India in about 1500 BC. In other words, the caste system, which
has been part of the Hindu religion, is believed to be nearly 3000 years old. The
caste is an indicator of social and economic disparity in India.10 The Harijans
(the unclean, the lowest of the low caste, outcast, or untouchables) were known
to have performed the menial jobs in the society (Sarchet-Waller, 1996; Murthy,
1999). The Harijans and Chamars were formerly denied access to skilled jobs and
landed property by virtue of their caste. In India religious sanctions are used
to impose an assignment of social hierarchy, which is impossible to escape,
except of course, by changing one’s religion.
However, Mahatma
Gandhi fought against the evils of the caste system until he was assassinated
in 1948. In September 1932, he began the struggle to “bring about a silent
revolution in the structure” of the Indian society. Gandhi lamented that
untouchability was “crushing the very soul of Indian religion and society.” He
promised the poorest and most downtrodden of the India’s poor- the
untouchables- that democracy would free them from their misery. Gandhi
continued to fight to “eradicate the [caste] practice he found so abhorrent”
until his death in 1948 (Jesudasam 1984).
The strongest and
most frontal attack on the caste system in India was the Constitution of India
adopted on Nov. 26, 1949. It is perhaps appropriate to mention that India became
an independent nation in 1947. The 1949 “constitution guarantees the right of
all its citizens to justice, liberty, equality, and dignity” (Murthy 1999).
India has since been working assiduously to bridge the country’s bitter
political divides. Although prejudice still exists in the villages, currently,
India’s outcast hold high paying jobs, and in the cities they can marry from
other groups. The question is, can Nigeria’s democracy free the Osu in Igboland
as democracy has improved the life of the lower caste in India? This is an
ultimate challenge for the Nigerian democracy.
In Guyana, a
color-caste system has produced a racially divided labor market. The Africans
(blacks) are said to dominate the civil service, the professional positions,
and industry; and Indians are known to control agriculture and small businesses
(Premdas, Autumn/Winter 1995). In the Indian Andes in South America, linguistic
and cultural characteristics provide the basis for discrimination; the Indio,
like virtually everyone else in the region, is of mixed ancestry. But the Indio
is distinguished from others and ‘kept in his place’ by his mode of dressing,
his habits, etc.
In Yugoslavia, the
1999 conflict between the Kosovars (the Moslem ethnic Albanians) and the
Serbian military and para-military forces had ethnic and religious coloration.
The Kosovars demanded political autonomy from Yugoslavia, but President
Slobodan Molisevic (with his military might) was determined to crush the people
and their demand. However, the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) did not allow the ethnic cleansing to go unpunished. The
Serbs were bombed to submission. But Slobodan Molisevic did not go down, until
the people’s October 2000 revolution forced him out of office. Mr. Slobadan
Milosevic who has since been arrested and indicted on war crimes charges, will
be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague (CNN: World, June
29, 2001).
The massacre of
the Chechens by Russia is another reminder of the prevalence of prejudice and
discrimination all over the globe. It is beyond human comprehension why the
world has turned a deaf ear to this unjust extermination of a group by Russia.
This is not an exhaustive list of nations in the world where discrimination and
prejudice has caused untold misery. The list of injustice around the globe can
go on forever.
The Social Implications
of the Osu caste system
The Osu caste
system has many social implications. For the purpose of this work, we have
classified them as human, civil and political implications. Beginning with
human implications, the discussion follows below:
1). Human Rights Implications
One of the
essential premises of this paper is campaign for justice and freedom for every
human being. In addition, the aim of this paper is to change the mentality of
those who support the Osu caste system in Igboland. Many of the Osu groups in
Igboland have not seen true justice because of their social status. A priori,
this has created debilitating psychic pain in the group. Due to paucity of
statistics in Nigeria there is no data to ascertain the level of damage this
system has caused on the population. It
would be appropriate for some research to be carried out in this area.
The story of the
human race, from age to age, is full of the struggle to enjoy certain
fundamental rights. These rights include freedom from inhuman treatment;
freedom from slavery; freedom from discrimination, freedom of thought, assembly
and association and other rights that are “reasonably justifiable in a
democratic society” (Azikiwe 1965, p.455). Thus, any culture or tradition that
abridges people’s freedom of association violates their human and civil rights.
The discriminatory Osu caste system in Igboland is an example of such tradition
and culture that bridges the people’s rights to free association. This is an
insult to the human race. And it is disheartening, to say the least.
Since human rights
constitute the very foundations of democracy, how can democracy thrive in
Igboland (and in Nigeria in general) with the discriminatory Osu caste system
in the society? Everyone should have the freedom to pursue happiness, as
liberty is a basic human right. Obviously, nobody can pursue happiness without
being free. Those people branded Osu should have as much equal rights to
liberty, life, and freedom as the Diala. These rights are what drive social
struggles throughout the history of mankind.
When a group is
enslaved, there is no freedom for them. And where there is no freedom, there is
obviously no democracy for the Osu group. Sadly, in Nigeria the concept of
democracy the public knows is political – sharing of resources among individual
states, looting of the treasury by the political leaders with ethnic and
religious pandering. Human and civil rights are issues that are not very
relevant to the politicians running the affairs of the society. It seems that
the leaders of Nigeria do not consider the ill treatment of the Osu as a human
right violation.
In an article in
the Punch newspaper of January 10,
1996, Mr. Kupoluyi reported how a young university graduate who was performing
his national youth-service duties in Imo State (one of the 36 states in
Nigeria), was discouraged from dating a beautiful young lady who caught his
attention. The young man who was excited about his new found lover broke the
news to one of his close friends who happened to know the social background of
the woman. The young man, who was not an Igbo, had expected his friend to be
excited for him. Instead his friend started to lecture him on the Osu culture
in Igboland. He was warned that the Diala in the community would think he was
Osu if he was seen in the company of the woman, as the woman in question was a
member of the Osu of the community. The young man could not comprehend the
culture. But his friend pressed on with stories of the social stigma of the
Osu, and how other women of Diala extraction in the area would not associate
with him because of the women.
His friend pointed
out to him the sections of the community where the Osu is living (the system
encourages segregation and hinders social interaction). As this young man did
not want to limit his chances of dating other girls in the area, he caved to
social pressure and abandoned the girl. Obviously, the young lady discovered
that her social background had been exposed to her prospective lover when the
man started to distance himself from her (Punch Jan 10, 1996). The article (and
similar stories) rekindled the ill feelings this author has had for this repugnant
and inhumane Osu caste culture.
A NewsWatch investigation in Oruku
community in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu State further
demonstrated how diminutive and discriminatory the Osu practice is. The people
of Umuode in the Oruku community are regarded as Osu descendants by the
villages of Umuchiani and Onuogowo (the two other villages that make up Oruku
town). The people of Umuode are not allowed to mingle with the freeborn
(Diala); they cannot inter-marry, and they are not allowed to buy or sell in
the same local market. This is purely a primitive behavior. In Akwa-Ekiti in
Anambra State, the Osu and the Diala (like in many other Igboland communities)
live in different parts of the community (Agbaegbu, January 12, 2000).
Unfortunately, every-body in the designated Osu community is automatically
pariah, irrespective of ones beauty, level of education, or wealth. They are
regarded as the lowest species of mankind, and are treated with contempt.
In a society such
as Nigeria where there are no enforceable laws to protect the human rights of
the people, an Osu person is often exposed to public ridicule. As you read this
article many people are being unfairly treated on the basis of the Osu caste
system. Even if they are not insulted and ridiculed in public, the “Osus”
always have on them the dehumanizing Osu caste stigma.
The crusade
guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedom of people has been on for
centuries. Thomas Jefferson’s assertion in the Declaration of Independence
(United States) is a good example. In the document, he asserted, in part:
We hold these
truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are
Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…(The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999,
pp.552d-552h).
And since 1948
numerous international Human Rights Treaties have been negotiated that really
define human rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(1966), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (1965), are among the many treaties. However, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the UN Commission on Human Rights
prepared (then Chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt), and the UN General Assembly
endorsed on Dec. 10, 1948, stands as the cornerstone document of human rights.
This date is now widely commemorated as Human Rights Day. Regional agreements
on human rights have also been drafted. The African Charter of Human and People’s
Rights signed in 1981 (and put in force in 1986), has been reported as the
weakest of the regional human rights efforts. For instance, most of the
provisions are not enforced, as regulatory institutions in the countries of
Africa are either weak or non-existent. And law enforcement officers and the
courts are tainted by corruption. This is apparently some of the reasons human
rights violations are relatively high in this part of the world (The
Encyclopedia Americana, 1999).
Clearly, the
international and regional human rights documents show that human rights and
freedom are to be enjoyed by all without distinction. Nobody should be denied
the rights based on race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other
opinions, and national or social origin, property or birth. The system is one
of the human rights crimes without parallel in the modern world. But the world
is not conscious of it. The social taboos placed on the Osu have prevented them
from developing expectations of equality and freedom of choice, as the society
has accepted the Osu caste culture as a norm. There is no rational explanation
for the continued existence of the system, which has broad human and civil
rights implications.
2). Civil Rights Implications
Highlighting
inequality in human treatment and relationships is the main objective of this
book. Normally when people speak of civil rights, they mean those enforceable
rights or privileges, such as freedom of speech, press, assembly, the right to
vote, freedom of association, among others. Civil rights include all rights,
which human beings have received from nature that the government (or another
human being) cannot arbitrarily take away from them. And unless deprived by a
guilty sentence or death, every person should enjoy these civil rights.
Furthermore, civil rights are sometimes used to mean nonpolitical rights
granted by law, such as basic economic and social rights.
One enjoys civil
rights without hindrance if a law confers upon the person ‘a positive power to
do something.’ Thus, civil rights are
considered the cornerstone of a free society; they indicate ways in which a
society protects individual freedoms. Civil rights also involve the rights to
social justice and freedom; they also involve the rights to social justice, and
freedom of association with other individuals. Freedom to believe in error and
do evil by imposing a system of inequality among a people is not true freedom.
This is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland.
The question is
how can any rational human being justify the Osu caste system at this period of
modern civilization? As a civilized people, the Igbos should note that
democracy demands that the human personality in its course of development
should be allowed to proceed without artificial forces or barricade so long as
its activity does not violate the safety and reasonable rights of others (The
Encyclopedia Americana, 1999). It should also be noted that the struggle for
social development should not be limited to the accumulation of material
things, such as cars, cash, televisions, stereos, the computers and information
super highways.
It is equally
important to know that the social development of a nation (or a community) must
include, among other things, justice, fairness, and equal treatment for its
citizenry. In this way, the nation (or
community) will achieve, at least for a long time to come, a desirable “unity
in diversity” (Allport, 1979, p. 518). Any civilized society which is by
“affirmation democratic” is expected to “provide and protect…” the civil rights
of its citizens (Smith & Lindeman, 1951, p.19). And any person who violates
a person’s civil rights should be given due consequences without fear, or
favor, ill will or affection. Could the citizens of Nigeria learn to seek their
own welfare and growth, not at the expense of their fellow men and women, but
in concert with them?
The younger
generation is less stereotype-ridden of the ascribed Osu than their parents,
yet social interaction between the Osu and Diala has not really normalized. If
the younger generation is perpetuating the wrongs committed by their forebears,
they are then responsible for those wrongs. The youths that as the leaders of
tomorrow should lead in condemning the Osu practice, which is a civil rights
aberration.
Currently, the
Igbo community does not have any collective solution to the Osu caste problem.
Communities are dealing with the problem as it affects their localities. Nnobi
community is a good example. This author would like to see a general Igbo
solution to the Osu problem, instead of leaving it to individual communities.
The Igbo society should not let discriminatory Osu caste system to continue, as
the subjection of a part of the Igbo community to perpetual social misery and
degradation is an unjustifiable human behavior.
3). Political Implications
The Osu caste
system is politically unpalatable in some Igbo communities. Those who adore the
system often express some traditional sentiments in support of the preservation
of this primitive heritage and custom whenever the issue is mentioned. Some of
them would argue that the present Igbo generation does not have the authority
to destroy what their forefathers invented. They would regard as insane any
person who suggests the jettisoning of the Osu caste system.
Like ethnicity in
Nigeria the Osu caste system influences the people’s voting behavior in
Igboland. Community development projects could be abandoned because a project
is sited in an Osu area. The community of Ifakala in Mbaitolu local government
area of Imo State had no good source of water supply. And the nearest stream in
the area is about eight kilometers away. The State government under the
leadership of Governor Sam Mbakwe in the 1980’s decided to help the community with
a pipe-borne water scheme. Strangely, a few days before the taps would begin to
run, rumors circulated that the village in which the project was located was an
Osu neighborhood, and therefore the water was deemed by the Diala as unfit for
human consumption. Consequently, the project was left to die away (Agbaegbu,
Jan 12, 2000).
Some people in
Igboland might even vote against any politician who condemns, or suggests the
jettisoning of this Osu caste system. And some Igbo community would not elect a
politician from the Osu group to represent them, even if such a person is a
better candidate than the Diala. This behavior is more pronounced at the local
(village) level. This undeniably prevents the ascribed Osu people from
contributing as they ordinarily would to the sociopolitical and economic
development of their communities.
The avid
supporters of the system would not give their political support to Osu persons
who are seeking public offices. Even those in office could lose their positions
should they protest any ill treatment against the Osu group. Many examples
abound, but the one that caught the attention of this author is the case of Mr.
Morris Ede, a former commissioner for special duties in Enugu State. Mr. Ede,
an Umuode indigene, protested the manner in which Governor Nnamani of Enugu
State and his associates were handling the Osu crisis in Oruku community. The
people of Umuode were driven out of their community, because they are said to
be Osu. Apparently, because of his protest, Mr. Ede lost his job as a
commissioner for special duties when Governor Nnamani reshuffled his cabinet.
11
The Osu situation
is similar to what happened to the blacks in the United States in the 1960s.
Some people are now advocating that America should pay restitution and render
apology for the violation of the civil and human rights of the Black Race. The
international community has also been called upon to recognize that there is a
unique and unprecedented moral debt owed to Africans for their humiliation and
exploitation (Robinson, 2000). By the some token, the entire Igbo community
should eradicate the Osu system and render an apology, if not restitution, to
the ascribed Osu people for their years of humiliation in the hands of the
Diala. Thus, human beings should try to differentiate right from wrong, what is
permissible and what is impermissible. The discriminatory Osu culture (like
other types of discrimination) should be brought to the attention of the world.
It is the hope of this author that this paper serves the purpose, as the Osu
caste system is a human and civil rights tragedy.
The Osu Caste System: An Agenda
for Change
The crucial step
of trying to find solution to the Osu issue in Igboland should start with the
society recognizing that the problem exists and then muster the will to tackle
it. If the society fails to see the
problem, then it cannot confront it. And without effecting some positive
changes in the mentality of those who are in support of the system, no ‘sermon
on the mount’ or institutional sledgehammer would solve this longstanding
social problem in Igboland.
This author
believes that the Igbos can move away from this primitive aspect of their good
culture, if they have the resolve to deal with the problem. The agenda for
change proposed here reflects a serious assessment of the Osu caste challenge
in Nigeria’s social progress. This author recommends the following seven
requirements that would enable Nigeria, and the Igbos in particular, to
progress in the 21st Century. They are, in addition to legislative mandates,
education of the masses, mass media campaigns, involvement of religious
institutions, genuine contact and dialogue, individual therapy, and enforcement
of the law.
Education
One of the steps
towards eradicating the Osu caste problem is education. The main purpose of
education is to remedy ignorance. Education will involve a transformation of
the citizenry, and making them aware of their rights and duties in the society.
They should understand their own rights and the rights of other citizens, so as
to recognize when their rights and those of the others are violated. They
should also be educated on how to operate and behave in a democracy. The
majority of those who support the Osu system reside in the villages. Since the
village remains the bastion of strong habits regarding the Osu, the campaign
must start there. They should be the main targets of this enlightenment
campaign, which if properly done, would help to eradicate prejudice and
discrimination in the society.
If you educate the
people, you create awareness, reduce ignorance, and in turn increase social
interaction. The same is true of improved legislation, active participation of
the mass media, religious organizations and social dialogue (see below for
details). The Osu caste system has its roots in attitudes and behaviors that
are widely shared among some of the people in Igboland. It is true that old
habits are hard to break. But there is need for the campaign to be consistent
and continuous.
Respect for
people’s rights begins from the institutions that an individual is exposed to
during the person’s formative years (the home, school, church, etc). Planting
the right ideas in the minds of the youths would help to destroy the
stereotypes that surround the Osu. In other words, it would help them to
develop friendly attitudes towards this group. The more educated the society
is, the easier and quicker it would be to find solutions to this social
cankerworm. However, the teachers should not be left alone to perform this important
task of educating the youths.
The government
(federal, state and local) should also take part in this crusade. It should
create an enabling environment (good policies and implementations) which would
empower the oppressed and enhance their ability to legally challenge the
ancient Osu caste tradition. With appropriate legislation and good court
systems, the people could seek redress in court if their rights are violated.
People have the choice to cry out for solutions to the teething social problems,
or remain as they have been. Life is full of making choices and differentiating
among optional actions, precisely on value grounds. Thomas Aquinas succinctly
states that “we see life in terms of ought and ought not” and aims to “do good
and avoid evil” (Quade, April 22, 1998).
Legislation
Another step to
eradicating the Osu culture in Igboland is through appropriate legislation. The
legislators are elected to make laws for the benefit of all in the society. And
the elected officials at the federal, state and local levels have important
role to play in the form of enacting appropriate and enforceable laws to
protect those facing discrimination in the society. There is a considerable
difference between a law on the book and a law in action; any law is dead if it
is not implemented.
Review of the
Nigerian political history shows that in the mid-50s, the then Eastern Nigerian
Colonial Legislative Council under the leadership of the late Owelle of
Onitsha, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, passed a legislation that outlawed the Osu caste
system. The law made it a criminal offense to discriminate against anyone on
the basis of the Osu caste system. But the law, like other laws in
But that was in
the 1950’s. Although
i). The society was not then very
conscious of human rights issues, as the society was still battling with
colonialism and its hangovers;
ii). The enforcers could see the law as
going contrary to Igbo culture (in some areas - as in Igboland - the
culture/public pressure could be strong enough to restrain the officials from
implementing the law); and
iii). Partly because those who
are discriminated against could not complain to the authorities; this is
because, sometimes it is easier to walk away when you are being discriminated
against.
However, that the
law was unenforceable then does not mean that better legislated and enforceable
laws against the Osu system would not be effective in this 21st century. This
author would recommend that
States from the former
Eastern Region should re-visit the Osu caste law crafted in the 1950’s and make
it enforceable. Alternatively the present National Assembly should adopt bills
that would outlaw any form of discrimination in
Those who have
concluded that an enforceable legislation would not help in solving the Osu
problem should be informed that the trend toward de-segregation of schools in
the United States in the past three or four decades had required a “long array
of constitutional decisions” (Allport 1979). Therefore, legal prods are
necessary to solve the Osu caste issue in Igboland. And the time is now.
The Mass Media
Curiously, the
mass media seems willing to overlook this difficult, but controversial Osu
issue. But for anything to be possible in this campaign against the system, the
mass media has an important and active role to play. It could do it in the form
of disseminating appropriate information to the public. The mass media should
lead the grassroots enlightenment campaign against the Osu practice in the
society and educate the people on how to obey the laws of the land. They should
educate both the victims – the ascribed Osu and the oppressor – the Diala, of
their civil and human rights and what they should do when their rights are violated
(for example, seeking legal redress).
The society, which
has long been under the claws of the military, has a long way to go in learning
how to respect the civil and human rights of the people, and to obey the rule
of law. It is the responsibility of the mass media to report cases of human
rights abuses to the appropriate quarters for necessary investigations and
prosecution. This would help to promote and protect the civil and human rights
of the citizenry.
Religion
The role of
religion in every society is paradoxical. It makes and unmakes prejudice and
discrimination. This is evident in the recent religious problems in
A truly religious
faithful is a good individual. Religious teaching can make a difference on how
to tackle the Osu system, as religion could have some influence on people’s
behavior. It can change the mentality of the people and the way they perceive
the Osu system. The question is, if individuals seek God’s blessing in their
undertaking why would they wish others evil? As noted earlier, if you hate and
discriminate against any person, you are definitely not wishing the person
well.
Thus, the good
morality of yesteryears is gradually eroding.
The love for one another should be the moral foundation on which to
build the nation. Religious organizations could affect some positive changes in
the people if they are consistent in the campaign for the re-education of the
Nigerian population. They used to be very important moral forces in human
affairs. Presently, the moral messages from religious institutions have been
less forceful than what they used to be. The churches should begin again to
teach the youths that hate and discrimination are wrong. They should condemn
the Osu caste system in Igboland without reservation.
Contact and Dialogue
Social contact and
dialogue, which will develop once the social re-education has been made, can
make a lot of difference. The society should work together to ensure that the
recommendations listed here are implemented. Does any person who is not a
member of the Osu group have knowledge of the pain and agony the ascribed Osu
group go through daily? Some people would admit to holding a variety of
unpleasant Osu stereotypes: that the Osu is dishonest, dirty, has body odor,
lazy, aggressive, etc. How then can one destroy these stereotypes without
interacting with them? Most of the stereotypes held by the Diala are due to
loss of contact with this rejected Osu group. For this, social contacts are
good steps to erasing the ugly stereotypes. Social programs that encourage
contacts with rejected groups are necessary to eradicate the prevailing stereotypes
about them.
Contacts and
acquaintances make for friendliness. When people dismantle the social barriers
to relationship and find out that they have everything in common,
discrimination would disappear. The government (federal, state, and local) should
sponsor programs that would encourage interaction and understanding among
groups. Communication could help to break up barriers with groups that are
quarantined and socially imprisoned. Dialogue between the Diala and those
wrongly branded Osu (second class citizens or sub-human beings) could help in
understanding one another better. Kweisi Mfume pointed out in an interview with
Claudia Dreifus (Mar-Apr, 2000), that, when you understand more, you are more
sensitive; when you are more sensitive, you are more compassionate. When you
are more compassionate, you are more prepared to see the other side of the
issue (pp.51-63). Obviously, people cannot understand each other unless they
interact with one another amicably.
Individual Therapy
Those who have problems
respecting the civil and human rights of their fellow human beings should
consider seeking some individual therapy. Individual therapy is said to be
foreign in Africa, apparently because Africans do not want strangers to know
their personal problems. The government should set up counseling centers where
those who could not afford private therapy should go for some mental
re-adjustment and get some education on the importance of respecting other
people’s human and civil rights. They should be informed that the Osu caste
system is a form of discrimination. The counseling centers could be operated by
religious organizations.
The preaching and
counseling in the centers could help to change the mentality and attitude of
the ignorant and illiterate population who are propagating the Osu caste
system. This idea may look impracticable from the surface. But a closer look
would show that the minds of the die-hards and those who are sitting on the
fence could be altered through education and therapy, before they could
appreciate the havoc their negative belief and the caste discrimination has
caused those who are subjected to it.
The Court and the Law
Enforcement
The Nigerian
judicial system, like every other system in parts of the society, is known to
be corrupt. Consequently, corruption, crime, and human and civil rights
violations continue with impunity. Government often appoints supposedly
high-powered judicial commissions to probe notorious cases of public corruption
or misconduct, but reports of such investigations will either not be made
public, or a watered-down version of the report would be released “in the form
of a government white paper” (Osoba 1996). Thus, many advertised steps for
combating corruption in Nigeria are deceptive and symbolic.
The legal
institutions should be restructured and equipped to handle corruption and
discrimination cases, particularly those that involve the Osu caste issue.
Above all, only people of probity should be allowed on the bench to enforce the
laws of the land. No law in the book is useful if it is not implemented.
In conclusion, the
golden rule should be, do unto others as you would have them do unto you. The
ancient, dehumanizing, anti-social, anti-democracy and superstitious Osu caste
system in Igbo society should be discarded. And every God-fearing individual
should join hands in this campaign. As Prof. Wole Soyinka rightly noted in The
Man Died (1972), “the man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny.”
Notes and References
1. The population of the Igbos is
more than that of Norway, Switzerland, Denmark, Belgium, and Luxembourg
combined (Igbo Studies Association (not dated):
www.igbostudies.com/information.htm)
2.
An oral history of how the Osu came to be in a community in Igboland, as was
narrated by one of the persons interviewed by the author for this book.
3.
Uzoma Onyemaechi; “Igbo Culture and
Socialization,” collated essay (not dated); The University Of Michigan, Ann
Arbor.
4.
Nwosu, Okenwa R.; “Osu Caste System:
A Cultural Albatross for the Igbo Society” Online publication:
www.nigeriaworld.com (June 19, 1999). This article was a response to an article
by this author published Online: “The Caste system in Nigeria, Democratization,
and Culture: Sociopolitical and Civil Rights Implications;”
www.afbis.com/analysis/caste.htm (June 13, 1999). In this article, Dr. Nwosu
gave a brief description of how the caste system came to be in the Igboland.
Information on the religious aspect of the caste appeared in his unpublished
manuscript, “Religious Underpinning of the Osu Caste System” he made available
to this author in July 2002. This author is very appreciative of this
information.
5.
See Victor Dike on “The Caste System
in Nigeria, Democratization and Culture: Socio-political and Civil Rights
Implications;” Online publication: www.afbis.com, June 13, 1999. The term,
Osuism, is a belief (like racism) that a group’s social position is the main
determinant of how other groups in the society associates with the group. The
term is modeled from ‘racism’ and ‘sexism’ (terms that concern race and
gender), refer to discrimination based on what we take to be physical
differences of one kind or another.
6.
See Nwosu above. Also see his unpublished manuscript on the religious aspect of
the caste system: “Religious Underpinning of the Osu Caste System.” He made the
information available to this author in July 2002. (This author is very
appreciative of the information).
7.
See Dike 1999; and Nwosu 1999 above.
8.
See Dike 1999; and Nwosu 1999 above.
9.
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is an Economist at the New Delhi School of Economics. I am grateful to her for
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They are regarded as the descendant of Osu, and therefore are being treated as
second-class citizens. It is even difficult for the people of Umuode to be
appointed into positions of responsibility in their local churches, and they do
not inter-marry with the other two villages. The people of Umuode also operate
their own local market different from the Eke-Oruku market, which is owned exclusively
by Umuchiani and Onuogowu. To see how serious this issue is, any person from
Umuchiani and Onuogowu who talks to or greets any person from Umuode pays a
fine sometimes as high as N1000 (one Thousand Naira)
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The National Archive, Enugu: The Law promulgated to outlaw the Osu caste
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“Abolition of the Osu System” defines Osu as including Oru, Ohu Ume or Omoni,
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Note:
I must first thank
my lovely wife, Chizor P. Dike, for
her continued support. She was in-charge of the family needs while I was locked
away in our study battling with the plethora of bits and pieces that form this
paper. I must also say thank you to Dr.
Okenwa R. Nwosu, who provided me with invaluable information that assisted
in making this project possible. Finally, I must thank Peter Prove (Office for International Affairs and Human Rights, The
Lutheran World Federation), for giving me the opportunity to participate in the
United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD)
conference in Geneva, Switzerland, August 8-9 2002.
Victor E. Dike, who is the author of The Osu Caste System In Igboland: A Challenge for Nigerian Democracy
lives in Sacramento, California. The book is available at http://www.amazon.com/. Please email your comments on this paper
to: vdike@cwnet.com
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Descent based discrimination and Africa
Descent based discrimination and Asia
