Sek Pei LIM
M.A
(I.R) University of Sussex
1
Introduction
A slogan “The sun never sets on the British
Empire” had been hailed for her colonies of network, protectorates, and
other territories. For about 300 years of imperialism, British Empire was
the crown and the administrator from Africa to India, and from Pacific
shores to the Caribbean, which was maintained by a strong navy and trade
restrictions that kept the empire a closed economic system.
The spearheading of British colonization were driven
by the two main trading companies, namely the Hudson’s Bay Company
making inroads in Canada and America; and the East India Company setting
up trading stations in India and Southeast Asia. From 1800s onward,
British had lost most of the American colonies but retained some of the
other colonies to maintain her trading prospect. The movements of the
decolonisation decline in the Asia in the aftermath WWII, and the main
trading fort in the East, India, gained its independent at last after
negotiations and confrontations.
The future of the last British colonies in the region
was re-examined following the lost of India and the Suez Canal;
it seemed pointless for Britain to hold on to pieces of its once-great
empire, and to continue governing her colonies. Meanwhile, British Empire
had to face the massive struggle in reconstructing its economy in the
post-war. The sun being set, the empires closed her
chapter while the Commonwealth prospers. It was time for them to let the
Malaya, one of their final colonies go.
As a senior statesman in Asian, former President of
Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew pointed as:
“We in Malaya are now seeing British domination
after over a hundred years enter its last phase. Colonial imperialism in
Southeast Asia is dead except in Malaya, and our generation will see it
out. No sane man, whether he be English, Malay, Indian, Eurasian, or
Chinese, can honestly study the situation in that part of the world and
not come to the conclusion that either with or without the opposition of
the Western-educated intelligentsia in Malaya, British imperialism will
end. The two things we the returned students can help to decide are:
firstly, how soon and orderly the change will be, and secondly, whether we
shall find a place at all in the new Malaya.”
The intellectual communities in Malaya possessed
desire to achieve independence from the colonial power, in particular the
student who studied abroad in Britain had organised an alliance to lobby
the colonial power.
Compared to her neighbouring countries, the de-colonisation
of Malaysia was the latest (excluding Brunei de facto independence from
Britain in 1983). The phenomena and new political circumstance have roused
the sentiments of “nationalism” in its people to take over the control
of their country. Coupled with the powers of the Chartered Company in
Sabah and Brooke Family in Sarawak, Britain ruled over Peninsula Malaya
and Singapore until the Japanese military invaded and ousted them in 1942. In that period, large numbers of Chinese fled to the jungle
and established armed resistance that continued after the war had ended;
leading to the infamous communist insurgency. Britain like others colonial
power resumed controls of her colonies after the surrender of the Japanese
military. But Malaya’s independence movement had matured slowly by then
and organized itself in an alliance under Tunku Abdul Rahman when the
British flag was finally lowered in Kuala Lumpur’s Merdeka Square in
1957.
Malaya expanded into the federation of Malaysia on 16
September 1963. From the very
infant days of its formation, this country had been threatened by various
political and ideological elements both within and outside the region.
Issues that surrounded these various threats to the fabric of existence of
Malaysia can be traced back to the decolonisation of the constituent
states. As with any other
countries, the road to independent was not an easy one, yet unlike other
colonies in the region, this was achieved without a great deal of
bloodshed. The political elite of that time managed to take the country
through a peaceful transition to independent to what was and still is an
ethnically plural country.
In this essay, I will first introduce and summarize
an account of the journey of decolonisation and road to independence for
Malaya and also the formation of Malaysia in 1963. My emphasis will then
be on the difficult struggle in achieving this aim under the unique
proportional multi-racial social structure at that time.
In particular, the racial problem was dominant due to the legacy of
its colonial tactics and how an alliance between races had subsequently
been forged to enable this achievement. The analysis will be centred on
the issue of ethnocentrism and on the possibility of unity due to
emergence of the form of nationalism that rooted deeply therein.
2
Process of decolonisation
The Second World War had brought to the era of new
modern political world and permanently changed the relationship between
the peoples of Southeast Asia and their colonial masters. Since the
successful invasion of the Japanese and how they rapidly took control most
of the western colonial countries in the region during WWII, the myth of
the white man’s invincibility had been shattered.
The Japanese had used a motto “Asian Asia” as a
tool to raise awareness and to challenge those in the colonies to gain
their freedom from Western control. It
had encouraged the growth of the nationalism in the region, especially
since those nationalist leaders who had been imprisoned or exiled by the
West were set free, and often used to recruit native. Under colonisation,
the Southeast Asia region has mixture of diversity in religions,
languages, cultures and races. The
set the stage for many conflicts and confrontation that were brought about
by the different cultures and religions in the community.
The end of Second World War marked a new phase in the
distribution of World Power, and the start of the transition of power from
western colonial to local government throughout. It also changed the
British Empire as it gradually decline and get progressively smaller; the
de-colonisation period of the British colonial had been born. The process
of transition to a multiracial association of sovereign and equal states
to her colonial countries began with India and Pakistan’s independence
in 1947. The trends of
decolonisation can be seen in countries like Indonesia who staged
confrontation to gain independence from Dutch since 1920s and declared her
independent in 1945. Philippines had gained an internal self-government in
1935 from Spanish and formed an independent Republic in 1946. The
Indo-china countries namely Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam had seen bloody war
in their struggle toward independence from the French in the period of
1945-1953.
When the WWII ended in September 1945, the
devastation caused by the war gave many Southeast Asia countries a great
desire to be left alone; they were no longer willing to be used as pawn in
the conflicts between empires. When the Allies returned to their colonies
of the pre-war war era, they found all sorts of social unrest waiting for
them.
2.1
From Second World War to Malaya
In Malaya, the British quickly regained power and
immediately set to subdue the open inter-communal hostilities that had
flared at the war’s end. They had in their hand a massive task of
reconstructing the economy along with a set fundamental administrative
reform. To overcome the problem of race discrimination, the British
government proposed a form of administration called the Malayan Union in
April 1948. In that plan, the Straits Settlements which comprised of
Singapore, Malacca and Penang were dissolved, both of the latter would
combine with all the Malay states in the Peninsula Malaya to be part of
Malayan Union. Singapore meanwhile became a separate crown colony and so
did both Sarawak and British North Borneo. Labuan was joined to British
North Borneo.
The new arrangements uniting administratively the
Malay States, Penang and Melaka give all residents equal rights of
citizenship. Malays from all states were galvanized by the blithe
disregard for states’ right and Malay pre-eminence over the immigrant
peoples. In response, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) was
swiftly formed to head the protest, and Malayan Union plan had to be
abandoned. In subsequent talks UMNO agreed, however, to a federal
administrative structure and to citizenship for non-Malays who filled
certain strict criteria.
The federation of Malaya was launched in 1948, which consisted of all the
nine Malay states of the Peninsula, along with Melaka and Penang united
under a federal government in Kuala Lumpur headed by British High
Commissioner.
In the same year, the Communist Party Malaya
attempted revolution, using guerrilla warfare tactics and drawing on the
experience and organisation skills gained during the war in the Malayan
People’s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) movement. The British declared a
state of emergency and developed counter-insurgency policies. By the early
1950s, CPM terrorism had been reduced to a minor problem although
emergency regulations were not lifted until 1960.
The outcome of the Emergency was a highly centralised federation, the
states having relinquished most of their sovereign powers so that the
crisis could be handled efficiently.
During the emergency the British promised
self-government for Malaya, though at the time it was not clear how this
could be achieved in a way amicable to all the racially divided
communities. Attempts to establish multi-racial political parties met with
little success. The largest and best-organised party in Malaya, UMNO was
exclusively for Malays. Since 1952, a formula for potentially stable
self-government was worked out. This was the Alliance, a coalition of
three communal based parties. UMNO represented the Malays; Malayan Chinese
Association (MCA) represented the Chinese, and Malayan Indian Congress
(MIC) represented the Indian community. The Alliance become the dominant
political force under the leadership of Tunku Abdul Rahman, UMNO leader
and first Prime Minister which was gained the enormously victory at
national elections in 1955.
The overwhelming election result was one of the main tools in pressuring
the British to relinquish their sovereignty in August 1957.
2.2
Formation of Malaysia
Malaysia was first born from the combination of
Peninsula Malaya and Singapore with North Borneo and Sarawak. The new Malaysia like any other nation faced extreme
diversification problems, such as racial integration and economic
diversification. It is a remarkable success story, to account the
emergence of independent Malaysia from Malaya to Malaysia through peaceful
transition of de-colonisation.
Compared with others Asian countries, de-colonisation
of Malaya from Britain was complicated by the historical, political and
geographical influence of the regional powers. The road in pursuit of
freedom from the colonial power was launched through peaceful talk on the
round table between all of the representatives. The present federation
populations’ backgrounds of three majorities race with Malays (49.5 %),
Chinese (37%), and others (13%, mainly Indians)in Malaya; and in Singapore, the Malays (13.5%), Chinese (76%), and
others (10.5%)
had been a crucial point in convincing everyone of the need for
consolidation and integration with each other in the future to organise
their local government. All three of the Alliance party’s leader’s had
been represented to the round-table to show as a sound “we are all
Malaysian”.
The independence of Malaya was a peaceful account,
Hanna pointed out that
“…By combining democratic self-government and
free enterprise with self-financed development programs, all in close
cooperation with the Western world, Malays achieved a truly remarkable
degree of stability, prosperity, and integration of its diverse races - a
record so unmarred by the crisis that it attracted very little
international attention…”
However, in her neighbouring Indonesia, President
Sukarno regime had exhibited a predilection for perpetuating the
political, economic and social chaos of the “Unfinished Revolution”.
The instability in the regional occurs when the action of the first Prime
Minister Tengku Abdul Rahman government of the Malaya was viewed with
suspicion, resentment and growing animosity. Geographically, Indonesia had
been a great invisible threat to this infant government. Therefore the
proposal for Malaya to further progressed and prospered as a federation of
Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei made in May 27, 1961
was initially to defend the neighbouring “Unfinished Revolution”
invasion.
Brunei has refused to join it.
The federation of Malaysia had been formed despite
the slogan of the Sukarno who branded Tengku as a “puppet” of the
British in their “neo-colonialist plot”, leading to confrontation in
the form of guerrilla operations in the jungles of Borneo and the acts of
piracy in the Straits of Malacca as a show of objection to the proposal.
3
Racial cleavages
Malaysia is no different of others countries, the
original indigenous are a diversity of minority groups namely Orang Asli,
the “son of the soil”, much like the Red Indian in America. Thus, the federation Malaysia populations mainly are the
migration from others parts of the region. Malays ascendants came from
Indonesian archipelago have settled earlier than two majority communities
Chinese and India. Through the federation of Malaysia, the population
ratio between Malays and Chinese had became more equivalent leading to the
sporadic outburst of conflict and confrontation.
Therefore, ethnic issues dominated the formation of
the federation of Malaysia, Initially in 1961, Malaysia was envisaged as a
merger of Malaysia with Singapore, Sarawak, Sabah and Brunei too. Since
Brunei refused to join the federation of Malaysia, the formation of a new
nation gradually become a delicate exercise in ethnic arithmetic.
Consequently, Singapore entered Malaysia with many constitutional,
political and administrative issues left unresolved. Tensions escalated
and in August 1965, the leader’s the Alliance and Prime Minister, Tunku
Abdull Rahman and Singapore’s People’s Actions Party leader Lee Kuan
Yew signed a separation agreement.
In this second part of this paper, I will discuss the
racial issues presents in the total plan of independent Malaysia, in
relation to how this problem emerge and how it become the thorny issues to
this present day. Even though
some of the events and issues happened in post decolonisation from British
era, it is worthy to evaluate the hidden motivation among the multi-racial
communities in becoming partners with one another towards the road of
decolonisation.
I will further examine how the principle of
Nationalism is being used as a stake among the multiracial-communities to
subdue strong ethnocentrism in order to achieve a federation of Malaysia.
First however, we will take a further look at the background of
these diverse cultures.
3.1
Multiracial backgrounds of the Malays, Chinese, Indian
Industrial revolution in Europe spurred new
imperialism in the late of the 18th century to find raw
materials and new market for the economy expansion. Malaya was a land full
of nature resource such as tin, timber, and iron ore; and apt for growing
plantation of rubber and oil palm. With the introduction of British
“indirect” colonial rule, the economy of the Peninsular Malaya was
developed on a pattern based on the production of raw materials for
export, while foodstuffs and manufactured goods were imported from the
metropolitan centres. In the British colonies of Asia, the plantation
economy led to the forced migration of Indian people from different
regions to the estate, and Chinese were moved from Mainland China by
coolie trade to the tin mine.
3.2
Division in race
The
primary problem in Malaya then had to be the deeply rooted division
between the major races. Each
of the major race were ethnocentric and do not usually have common view
with one another. Without unity, it would not be possible for a
self-governed independent country and Britain would never have agreed to
any plan of independence without a majority agreement.
They are many reason why this division occurs, below I pointed out
three that were most
prominent.
3.2.1
New comer, new society
Although
the Chinese has been trading in the region since the earliest of time,
most of the large-scale settlements were not established much later.
The assimilated culture like those of Baba and Nyonya in Melaka are
far and few in-between. In the later wave of immigrants, when the Chinese
and the Indians come in drove to the region in search of economic
opportunity such assimilation has not time to set place. They came in
sufficient number to form their own community in the tin mines and the
rubber plantation to be able to maintain their culture and practices. Each
of the community therefore were very different in nature, they talk
differently, they see things differently and they have different religion.
The society that was present at the end of the Second World War was
therefore a diverse one with little assimilations in culture. Integration
between the races was not easy.
3.2.2
British Divide and Rule
The “divide and rule” policy is dominated by the
economy motive; it was easier to manage.
Racial stereotyping was practised. British educated the majority of
the upper class Malays to be an officer of the Government and ignore the
other ethnics’ development. Ordinary Malays were considered to be
farmers and fisherman with their vernacular education tailored for such
humble task. In the towns and
cities, the Chinese dominate the population figures, and were under
governance of a separate branch of government with their own education
systems. Due to their business acumen, they managed to prosper
economically. The
Indians on the other hand were the subjects of the rubber estates on which
they laboured.
The multi-ethnic society in Malaya had been moulded
into standard form by different ethnics working in different jobs. The
cleavages of the society were aggravated after the British administration
encouraged the different communities to organize communally but also
isolated them from one another culturally and politically. The early
political development of the Malaya was lack of integration. When British
re-took the power after the War, they intended to overcome the problem of
race discrimination through Malayan Union. By then however, the race
division had become deeply rooted.
3.2.3
Japanese occupation and the threat of communist
The Japanese during their occupation of Malaya often
acted with outraging brutality towards the Chinese.
This was in large part due to the support of these overseas Chinese
to China during the war between Japan and China. Therefore Chinese formed
the majority of the underground resistance force, which developed in the
Peninsular and in the Borneo-territories. The Peninsular forces were known
as the MPAJA (Malayan Peoples’ Anti-Japanese Army), and were to a large
degree controlled by members of the CPM (Communist Party of Malaya).
British were strongly opposed to communism; they were prepared to give
support to the MPAJA on condition that it would surrender its weapons at
the end of the war, thus British sent officers to work undercover with the
MPAJA in the jungle, and dropped supplies and weapons by air.
The main task of the MPAJA was to prepare for the time when it
could assist with the Allies to liberate Malaya from Japanese rule.
After the surrender of Japanese military in Malaya
the predominantly Chinese Malayan Peoples Anti-Japanese attempted to fill
the gap between the collapse of Japanese authority and the arrival of the
British Forces. They sought to establish a communist regime and in the
period of confusion ruthlessly paid off old scores against their
opponents. This heightened the tension between Malays and non-Malays,
which had cultivated. When the British military administration was set up,
it was at first proposed to give attractive terms to these resistance
fighters to facilitate their return to civilian life.
However, Communism bid to establish control of the
country after the Japanese surrender had been defeated by the resumption
of British rule and the subsequent disbandment of the MPAJA. By June 1948,
British government faced with a series of attacks amounting to armed
insurrection, declared “The Emergency” to cope with the overwhelming
intensify of the communist’s network. Most of the soldiers at that time
were Malays as opposed to the Communist that were of Chinese origin.
Under Templer’s regime, the British faced with Chinese enemy
(communist) during the Emergency tended to see an enemy in all Chinese and
had been suggested that they are unwarrantably biased in favour of the
Malays.
Under such condition, it was inevitable that racial animosity
become deeper.
3.3
Problem of ethnocentrism
There was no nationalist movement in Malaya before
the invasion Japan; the communities were separated into self-contained
Malay, Chinese and Indian societies and did not get along very well. The
Chinese and Indians, with their older, more sophisticated civilizations,
looked down on the Malays, and the Malays resented the wealth of the
Chinese and Indian newcomers. In 1943, Malaya’s people first became
interested in politics when the Japanese gave Malaya’s four northern
sultanates to Thailand, these states would be returned to British control
in 1945.
Previously, the Japanese presented themselves to
Malay-Muslims as their patron, respectful of Islam and of Malay culture.
They fostered pan-Malay consciousness and gave Malays new opportunities in
administration. They also encouraged those young Malay radicals hoping for
links with the Indonesian nationalists, though few peninsular Malays
supported them and the idea would not get far. The Indians of Malaya were
encouraged by the Japanese to focus their political thoughts on India.
Thus each of the different race as yet do not have a common nationalism,
each were concerned with a form ethno-nationalism.
We can see a few examples of ethno-centrism in
practice during this period. The
unanimous rejection of Malayan Union is one event worth analysing in this
regard, as well as the internal rift in UMNO. We examine them further.
3.3.1
Malayan Union
In 1946, British has proposed a unitary Malayan Union
scheme which involved placing under one government all the nine Malay
states and the Straits Settlements of Penang and Malacca; Singapore, the
other remaining Straits Settlement was to be left out of the union. The
Malays opposed the idea, renouncing it as a British trick to abolish the
Malay Sultanate. The Malay aristocrats formed UMNO on 11th May
1946 with purpose to oppose the Union’s objectives. They also strongly
object to the new policies of providing citizenship with equal political
rights to all Malayans, irrespective of race, as long as they professed
loyalty to and regarded Malaya as their home. UMNO has become the key
political force in Malaya with its support base in rural areas. Mahathir
in his famous book The Malay Dilemma argued that the Malays are the
rightful owners of Malaya, others immigrants race are guests until
properly absorbed. He pointed that [1999:39]: “Under UMNO the Malays
insisted on a Malaya for the Malays.” What we see here is a strong
ethnocentrism of the Malays.
Some Chinese also objected to the Malayan Union plan.
Their objection was based on the presumption of subordination of Chinese
to Malay interest, implicit especially in the separation of Singapore from
the Union. Another
racial-based objection.
3.3.2
UMNO and Onn Jaafar
The
Sino-Malay relationships were threatened by the communists (mostly
Chinese) who tried to set up a government in Malaya. The confrontation
developed into a racial war and encouraged Britain in giving equal rights
to Chinese and Indians in the Malayan Union proposal.
Although
the British proposal was frustrated, its effect on the Malay-non-Malay
relationships was prolonged. Not even the most respected Malay could
overcome Malay antagonism toward the non-Malays. An obvious example is
Dato Onn formed the UMNO to combat the Malayan Union in 1946. This party
was founded on all Malay bases and found it supports of Malay nationalist
who were opposed to Malayan Union. However, Dato Onn later departed from
UMNO when he proposed a multi-racial membership; a widely unpopular move
for the Malays. What this shows is that multi-racial cooperation on the
grass-root citizens was not at all popular at that time.
His later attempt on multi-racial party on his own, Independence of
Malaya Party and National Party both failed.
3.4
Nationalism and racial Unity
The
proceeding discussions showed the lack of desire for people on the street
to unite hand in hand with other races.
Ethnocentrism run deeps and far. Such attitude of the people proved
to a big stumbling block. Beside
the Malays-exclusive UMNO, we have the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA)
under Tan Cheng Lock and Malayan Indian Congress.
Both are also exclusively ethnic based parties. Allen [1968:102]
noted, “A Malaya torn by suspicion between the different races could
not hope to survive as a free nation. It was not enough for the non-Malays
to acquiesce in the government’s policies and pay something towards
their cost. At a moment of national extremity they had to play a full
part, exposed to all the dangers of making these policies work.”
3.4.1
Breaking the racial barrier
The
breakthroughs came sooner than expected, not through direct cooperation
between races, but through the party leaders crafty thinking. The Malay Leadership realizing that racial issues would be
difficult challenges in the fight for independence, brought in the
non-Malays into the mainstream to ensure claim for independence would
continue to progress.
As mentioned earlier, the Chinese have their MCA to fight for their
cause. In the local election
for Kuala Lumpur in 1952, UMNO leaders and MCA leaders joined effort and
produced a spectacular win. Later in 1955, with the addition of Malayan
Indian Congress, the three parties formed a proper coalition, the
Alliance. This was a tremendous achievement.
Previous problem of ethnocentrisms were more or less circumvented
because such decision were not seen by the grass-root as straight
un-ethnocentric efforts. Individuals still joined their own ethnic parties
because there was no direct membership in the Alliance that functioned as
a coordinating center between its three parts.
Leader of each individual race-based party know that their alliance
is their only hope and made their decision accordingly.
The
Alliance had won 51 of the 52 seats in 1955; the overwhelming victory
election success was used to pursue the nation independence from British
From
here, one could not help but observe the fundamental formula in which
ethnocentrism is circumvented in the political road of Malaya and
Malaysia. The following facts
can be seen. One, an ethnically diverse party is not popular. Thus, you
have to be a racial-based party to succeed. To be a good leader to a
racially based party, you have to be a radically racial motivated,
fighting for racial causes in the first instance. This is how Tunku Abdul
Rahman can succeed Data Onn in UMNO.
Later however, when they are in power of the party, the leadership
had to think laterally and formed coalition and alliance with other party
because that was the only way they can win the election in a significantly
multi-racial country. Under
such coalition, racial issues than will always become a bone of
contention. The problem of racial disunity has not disappear when
Independent Malaya and later Malaysia was born, instead it was merely
swept under carpet until it reemerge with a bang in May 1969.
4
Conclusion
Senior Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew once
remarked
that empires never last forever, that either the master and subject races
finally merged to a unified society or the empire ends with subject races
clashes violently and finally emerging as separate nation and entity. The
end of the British colonisation and other superpower imperialism elsewhere
is a statement proving just that. Ironically, his statement can equally be
applied to the independent country of Malaysia where race and racial
issues are still a sensitive and election issue.
The decolonisation of Malaya and the formation of
Malaysia were achieved through hard negotiation and willingness of the
colonised citizens to work together as a single entity in achieving this
aim. The success in securing the independence of Malaya in 1957 stemmed
from a successful racial cooperation between the between major races, in
particular through the alliance between the Chinese and Malays through
their party leadership. Actual tolerance and cooperation between the
people has still not been fully realised. This had been established to
been a very difficult things to achieve; ethnocentrism was and is still
not something that can ever be stamped out.
Prime Minister of Malaysia today, Dr Mahathir in his
younger day (1970) had been critical in blaming Father Malaysia, Tunku
Abdul Rahman in The Malay Dilemma on how the political power of
Malays were completely eroded by the Alliance party collaboration. His
point of what went wrong in the process of the decolonisation as below
[1999:15]:
“Obviously
a lot went wrong. In the first place the Government started off on the
wrong premise. It believed that there had been racial harmony in the past
and that the Sino-Malay cooperation to achieve Independence was an example
of racial harmony. It believed that the Chinese were only interested in
business and acquisition of wealth, and that the Malays wished only to
become Government servants. These ridiculous assumptions led to policies
that undermined whatever superficial understanding there was between
Malays and non-Malays.”
It would have to be concluded here that in a racially
divided countries, unity among the different ethnic races is the foremost
concern. The British colonial
power entrust the self-government of Malaya when she was shown the
strength of unity portrayed at that time.
Even though it was shown above that these could be a very fragile
cooperation, one that was established to prosper each ethically divided
component party, it was enough at that time to hold the country together
for independence and for the prosperity for more than four decade. The
present issues in Malaysia political scene, the conflicts between Chinese
and Malays proved that the prestige of Malays and the discrimination
protections could still not be discussed or challenged.
However, without total elimination of discrimination between the races, or
proper assimilation into a Malaysian race, they would never be a
democratic and free speech system as practiced in First World democratic
country.
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- Joint
Statement by UMNO Youth and the Suqiu Committee. http://www.suqiu.org/index.htm.
Quoted from Han Fook Kwang, Warren Fernandez, Sumiko Tan. [1998:259].
